More funds for vital investment in EU’s neighbourhood

The EU’s Neighbourhood Investment Facility (NIF) will be formally launched today, May 6th, by External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner, representatives of EU Member States and ENP partner countries.

The NIF is a key instrument of the ENP and will mobilise additional funding for infrastructure projects mainly in the energy, transport and environment sectors in the entire area. The Commission has already made available €100 out of the €700 million it intends to allocate to the NIF for the period 2007-2013. On top of this, the Facility is open to contributions from all EU Member States.

"Concrete projects financed under this facility will bring tangible benefits to citizens of the neighbouring countries and the Union alike and will bring our partners closer to the EU,” Commissioner Ferrero-Waldner has said.

ENP assessment papers on the net

Progress reports on implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy, 3 April 2008

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EU-Egypt to sign €558 million assistance package

Commissioner for External Relations and the ENP, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, and Egyptian Minister of International Cooperation, Fayza Aboulnaga, will sign the Memorandum of Understanding regarding the National Indicative Programme 2007-2010, tomorrow (March 7). The focus of the €558 million assistance package is to support the reform process and the implementation of the EU-Egypt ENP Action Plan, adopted by the EU-Egypt Association Council last year.

Egypt is one of the main beneficiaries of EU support in the region and the EU is the second largest donor to Egypt, according to an EC press release that also outlines the focus of the assistance package.

FEMIP finance contracts in Mediterranean Partner Countries

Finance contracts worth 6,957,707,957 euros were signed between FEMIP and Mediterranean Partner Countries in the last five years, according to the latest figures from the European Investment Bank. A country-by-country breakdown, updated today, is available on the Bank’s website.

Algeria 255,498,958
Egypt 2,067,312,240
Palestine 55,000,000
Israel 395,000,000
Jordan 215,896,759
Lebanon 575,000,000
Morocco 1,221,000,000
Syria 715,000,000
Tunisia 1,379,950,000

Regional - North Africa 10,000,000

Mediterranean Countries 68,050,000

ENP 2008

Further efforts from the EU side are necessary to make a reality of the proposals already made to strengthen the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The Commissioner for External Relations sets the following objectives for 2008 and beyond:

• Greater political commitment to foster economic integration and improve market access. The Communication calls on Member States to support ongoing agricultural negotiations, in particular limiting the number of products excluded from full liberalisation.
• The facilitation of legitimate short-term travel, as well as more ambitious longer term developments in managed migration. The Commission urges the Council and the European Parliament to adopt its 2006 " package" on visas, and to make full use of the opportunities under existing rules to facilitate travel.
• Further engagement with ENP partners in tackling frozen conflicts, using the full range of instruments at the EU's disposal, to stabilise conflict and post-conflict areas.
• Intensified EU support for partner countries’ sectoral reforms in areas such as: energy, climate change, fisheries, transport, maritime policy, research, information society, education, employment and social policy.

ENP Assistance priorities

Activities aiming towards the reform of the social sector in the Mediterranean Partner countries will be financed from the 1,4 billion euro 2007 budget committed by the European Commission, to assist the 17 countries along the EU’s Southern and Eastern border.

Under the new European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI), the other priority objectives in which concrete actions will be financed are

• economic reforms and governance,
• employment,
• competitiveness and trade

EP report on ENP

The countries of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Eastern Europe and the Southern Mediterranean respectively need to be dealt with in quite different ways, MEPs stated this week.

On Thursday 15 November, the European Parliament adopted a report assessing the ENP which “expresses doubt about the meaningfulness of the ENP's geographic scope, as it involves countries which geographically are European together with Mediterranean non-European countries.” For this reason, it advocates that “the unified implementation of the policy take as much account as possible of the differing identities of all the countries covered by the ENP.”

Speaking in the debate on 14 November in Strasbourg, Rapporteur Charles Tannock acknowledged that “So far the European Neighbourhood Policy is proving to be a valuable tool” but he stressed the importance of “shared values and in particular reinforcing democracy, the rule of law and human rights as our main priority.” The report notes wide differences on these issues between the countries of the East and the South, referring to “democratic neighbours who are clearly identifiable as European countries” to the East while regretting that “no substantial progress has been made in terms of democracy or human rights since the beginning of the European-Mediterranean Partnership” as regards the countries of the Southern Mediterranean.

The report proposes the setting-up of an “EU Neighbourhood-East Parliamentary Assembly” to strengthen parliamentary cooperation and a parallel relaunch of the Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly (EMPA), with a serious look at its difficulties of the past few years. MEPs also underline that “respect for universal human rights and fundamental freedoms is the core principle of EU policy,” and say that civil society and a free media must be supported everywhere, “regardless of the degree of willingness of partner countries' governments to cooperate and to share in these values.”

9th Euro-Mediterranean Foreign Ministers Meeting

Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership met on 5-6 November 2007 in Lisbon, under the Presidency of the Portuguese Foreign Minister Luis Amado. The meeting provided an opportunity to assess the progress made during 2007 and to agree on priorities for next year.

In a 21-page document, Ministers reaffirm their commitment to pursue their efforts to realise the objectives set out 12 years ago: to establish a common area of peace and stability, to create an area of shared prosperity and to develop a partnership in social, cultural and human affairs. They welcome the fact that, despite the prevailing tension in the Middle East, the Euro-Med partners have succeeded to maintain a constructive dialogue covering many key issues, and stress the importance of the European Neighbourhood Policy.

In the conclusions of their meeting, the Foreign Ministers refer to issues covered by the Political and Security Partnership, including political and security dialogue and enhancing partnership-building measures. In the context of Sustainable Socio-Economic Development and Reform, they reached conclusions on a range of issues, including progress towards establishing a Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Area, stimulating economic cooperation and investment, enhancing cooperation in the fields of health, energy and transport, statistical cooperation, environment, climate change and sustainable development, the information society, developing a more systematic approach to cooperation in the field of employment, and human development.

In the framework of Education and Socio Cultural Exchanges, Ministers reached agreement on issues relating to a Euro-Mediterranean area of higher education and scientific research, civil society, the role of women in society, enhancing the Anna Lindh Foundation, media activities and youth.

Committee of the Regions supports strengthening of ENP

Istvan Sertö-Radics, 1st Vice-President of the Committee of the Regions (CoR) Commission for External Relations, presented the CoR's political strategy related to European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) during the high-level conference held in Brussels on 3 September.

He told the Conference that the CoR contributes to the implementation and assessment of a variety of new neighbourhood policy instruments and programmes, particularly in the field of cross-border and interregional cooperation, along with institution-building programmes, which are of particular importance for local and regional authorities.

During the conference workshop on governance and stability, Lucio Gussetti, Director of the CoR Directorate for Consultative Works, said that the CoR had proposed setting up a forum of local and regional authorities of the Euromed region, as well as engaging in local and regional election monitoring in ENP countries.

The representative voice of regions and cities in the EU, the CoR believes that cooperation at local and regional level across of Europe is a major pre-requisite for political stability, sustainable growth and protection of the environment in the neighbourhood area.

EU neighbourhood policy divisions

Ministers from within the EU and from its neighbouring countries gathered for the first time on Monday (3 September) to discuss the bloc's neighbourhood policy, but the meeting highlighted the strong divisions about what such a policy should mean. Ukraine, which has made no secret of its EU membership ambitions, refused to see the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) as the sole means of bilateral relations with Brussels.

"The ENP cannot be accepted as an adequate basis for EU-Ukrainian relations", Ukraine ambassador Roman Shpek said at the conference.

Designed with the objective of offering EU neighbours closer – or privileged – cooperation with the bloc, the ENP does not offer EU membership – something clearly underlined by Germany."The ENP is a separate issue from EU membership. It doesn't open any doors", German state minister Gunter Gloser stated.

Newer member states took up Ukraine's side, however. Poland - one of Kiev's most loyal allies within the EU, underlined both Ukraine and Moldova's "European identity" and the fact that the ENP should not stop European countries from "pursuing [their] EU ambition"."Countries like Ukraine and Moldova have this vocation", Polish foreign minister Anna Fotyga said. "We have to keep the door open, even if it's on the long term", Hungarian foreign minister Kinga Goncz added.

Criticism from within

Some of the strongest criticisms of the policy from within the EU came from Spanish foreign minister Miguel Angel Moratinos. "We need to get beyond the rather limited framework in which we operate with our neighbours. I think the ENP needs to have a genuine political dimension. It cannot be limited to a mix of different instruments", he said.

As with France, which recently proposed a Mediterranean Union, Spain's focus is much more on the states neighbouring Europe's southern borders. But beyond their differences in priorities and views, most participants seemed to agree that cooperation between the EU and its neighbours should be increased in energy security and that more should be done on trade liberalisation.

In addition, many neighbouring countries said they wanted more progress on visa facilitation making it possible for certain categories of people – businessmen and students for instance – to enter the EU more easily.

For its part, the European Commission proposed a new system of so-called Mobility Partnerships, making it easier for non-EU nationals to legally work in the EU. Countries such as Algeria and Morocco stressed the positive aspects of migration, saying it should not be seen exclusively as a threat.

EU should be a player, not simply a payer

Representatives of the civil society, academics and the media from the neighbouring countries were also present at the conference and gave their opinions and ideas during workshops in the afternoon.

Professor Lena Kolarska-Bobinska, director of the Warsaw-based Institute of Public Affairs, said she often heard that "the EU is a payer, not a player" during her stay in the Middle East. She said the EU could change this by introducing certain conditions - such as reforms of the judiciary system - in exchange for aid. "In many places expectations are high about a more important role of the EU", she said. "The EU has the instruments, but it has to have courage and not to be ashamed to be an actor".

The European Neighbourhood Policy covers 16 countries – Algeria, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Egypt, Georgia, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Moldova, Morocco, the Palestinian Authority, Syria, Tunisia and Ukraine.

EU presses neighbors for change in return for aid

Differentiation the key to ENP

“The closer you want to be to the EU, and the greater your commitment to reform, the more we will offer you in terms of both assistance to reach those goals, and opportunities to expand and deepen our relations,” European Commission President José Manuel Barroso told the European Neighbourhood Policy Conference in Brussels on Monday, 3 September.

President Barroso explained that “The fundamental principle of ENP is differentiation. The ENP is not, and never has been, a one-size-fits-all policy. There are as many variations of ENP as there are partners. We cannot and do not wish to ignore the differences between our partners.”

Acknowledging that “some have questioned the logic behind the ENP, questioned whether countries with such different societies, histories and traditions should, or even can, be brought together in one policy approach,” he insisted that “by focusing attention on the wider European and Mediterranean area, the ENP has leveraged more support from the EU’s Member States than when we looked at each of our neighbours in isolation…The ENP has spurred the Member States to think harder about the future of the whole of this corner of our planet, and the need to address our common challenges now. This has resulted in more money for ENP assistance programmes, and new opportunities for closer cooperation with the EU.”

"He also stressed that “the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership is as important as ever – the cornerstone of our regional dialogue between the EU and our Mediterranean partners.”

Brussels

The European Union was to meet Monday with representatives of 15 neighboring countries and the Palestinian Authority to generate more momentum for a €12 billion program of economic and other aid in exchange for EU-supported changes, a strategy that has been a tough sell from the day it was started in 2004. The EU European Neighborhood Program offers neighbors cash, expertise and easy access to EU markets in return for commitment to change.

The "ring of friends" program is hobbled by the wide variety of participants - from Ukraine to the Palestinian Authority - and by the Union's insistence that they tackle issues like migration, terrorism or human rights. The European public's dim view of the state of democracy beyond EU borders has also undercut the program.

The EU's neighborhood outreach is little loved by some - notably Ukraine, which aspires to full membership - and little appreciated in Western Europe.

Last week, the EU made public the results of a public opinion survey showing that 54 percent of EU nationals had little or no interest in neighboring countries. The vast majority of respondents, however, said that cooperation in environment, energy, economic development, migration and the fights against organized crime and terrorism was important.

The neighborhood program was begun in 2004 to offer easy access to the vast EU market of almost 500 million without membership in the bloc. While most neighbors have made progress in economic and political changes, other areas remain problematic, including poverty, corruption, unemployment and mixed economic performance.

IHT

The EU's policy toward Syria: a costly wait and see approach

Comment By Ruth Hanau-SantiniEUOBSERVER / COMMENT
Given the lack of a coherent and comprehensive EU approach to Syria and its role in the Middle East, it would be useful to look the costs and benefits of developing a proper policy towards Damascus.

In 2004, the EU total assistance aid allocated to Syria reached €55 million. It was mainly for technical assistance, institution-building and democracy promotion. In the same year, after eight years of negotiations, the EU and Syria finalised an Association Agreement.

The sanctions imposed by the US against Damascus in May 2004, however, influenced some member states' willingness to sign the agreement. The UK, Germany and the Netherlands' insistence on inserting an additional clause dealing specifically with chemical weapons blocked the overall process. The deal was called off and economic relations continue to be ruled by a 1977 Co-operation Agreement. So despite Syria being a partner in the Barcelona process, it does not benefit from the European Neighbourhood instruments.

While the EU remains Syria's first trading partner, the relationship's intensity has significantly decreased in the aftermath of the US embargo. Far from being passive, Syria has diversified its economic and political relations with third countries. Ankara, already Damascus' second trade partner, has been particularly privileged, as symbolized by the opening of a Free Trade Area at the beginning of 2007.

In the coming years, Turkey could become Damascus' largest trading partner: its exports to Syria have already nearly tripled in the past 10 years, rising from roughly USD 270m in 1997 to over USD 600m in 2006. In addition to that, Turkey has become a political and military ally, the two having signed a military agreement in 2004 aimed at countering the danger of potential spill-overs from Iraq's Kurdish areas.

By acting in an un-coordinated manner, the EU has diminished its overall capacity for influence. Acknowledging this risk, in the spring of 2007, national capitals informally agreed to be represented by the EU High Representative, Javier Solana, towards Damascus. In reality, this has never materialized and foreign ministers have kept visiting Assad without offering either an EU- coordinated long-term strategic vision or real carrots.

The consequences of the US ban have been far-reaching: on the one hand Syria has reinforced political and economic ties with third countries, thereby limiting the potential leverage of the EU. On the other, the sanctions have caused an internal split within the Union with some member states afraid to alienate the US Middle Eastern project. This has had its downside, namely the indefinite postponing of the establishment of an EU comprehensive vision of the region.

To conclude, the costs of envisaging a common approach to Syria's potentially beneficial role in the region would cause irritation in Washington, as well as in Israel, with whom the EU is struggling to improve the tone of the relationship.

A shift from a wait-and-see approach to a pro-active one, on the other hand, would entail significant benefits, both politically and economically.

Economically, Syria is an important gateway for European trade in the Arab world. Politically, reaching an association agreement with Syria remains the main channel through which the EU can hope to influence democratic forces and modernization impulses within the country, by setting clear benchmarks associated to further economic involvement.

Secondly, the same card should be used to forge a common strategic vision over the means the Union is ready to deploy in order to increase Damascus' stakes in developing an autonomous foreign policy in the area, resisting Teheran's influence.

Brussels should not wait to have fully-fledged economic relations before adopting an overall strategic policy towards Syria, but should strive to develop both simultaneously.

Sarkozy’s 'unclear proposal' on a Mediterranean Union

French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s proposal to create a ‘Union of the Mediterranean’ is not clear, especially on the nature and objectives of this new body, argue Michael Emerson and Nathalie Tocci from the Center for European Policy Studies (CEPS) in Brussels.
In particular, the CEPS paper raises the following questions:

1. Would this trade union take over from the Barcelona process?
2. Would additional policy instruments be provided by the members of the Med-Union alone?
3. With the escalating hub of conflict in Israel-Palestine-Lebanon-Syria, how would the Mediterranean Union resolve the diplomatic impasse that has bedeviled the Barcelona process?

According to CEPS's paper, the 'take-over' option can be dismissed, even if Sarkozy has surprisingly launched this idea of a "Union of the Mediterranean" without mentioning the EU's Barcelona process. Another possibility, which would hardly merit the name of 'Union of the Mediterranean' and would only create extra confusion in the EU's processes, would be to create an expanded '5+5' West Mediterranean Forum, the paper states.
It proposes another possibility: to reshape the architecture of the Barcelona Process and that of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), by separating the southern and eastern branches of the ENP. Such a change would represent an important agenda to consider, the authors assert.
Under this scenario, the Barcelona Process and extra mechanisms of the ENP would be merged, and existing policies and procedures would be reconsidered. In addition, this Union of the Mediterranean would require a reconfiguration of the role of the most interested member-states, the paper states.
The CEPS therefore recommends this version of the 'Union of the Mediterranean' for Sarkozy's consideration, in case the idea was launched without been seriously prepared. This interpretation of the new President's proposal was suggested in the press, saying that it was "just an intuitive remark about wanting to do something 'better than Barcelona' in the Mediterranean".
Euractiv
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